Secularity in Great Britain
What does the term "secular mean
in great Britain?
Britain is formally a
religious country in a way that many modern states are not, having
(different) established churches in England and Scotland.
between church and state have very little impact on contemporary life,
however. In some cases they seem to achieve the worst of both worlds,
creating an impression that offends one side without benefiting the other.
The term “secular” might for many
people be associated with the mission of the National Secular Society, a
lobby group for church-state separation, which is overtly atheistic rather
than merely opposed to giving religion a
In common usage, though, a
contrast is usually apparent between “secular” and “secularism.” “Secular”
is the opposite of “religious,” and simply indicates an absence
of religious motivation or content
(e.g., secular ceremonies, morality, art, etc.). “Secularism” is an
ideology that opposes religious privilege and frequently religion itself.
Because the British are typically non-religious rather than anti-religious,
many people are secular but far fewer are secularists.
Unlike Americans, Britons are
accustomed to the idea of state-supported religious education, religious
broadcasting on network television, bishops in the legislature, and so on.
Unlike many continental Europeans, Britons do not tend to feel that they
need protection from religious institutions. Indeed, the implicit
assumption seems to be that a modest dose of religion is good for people—or
at least other people.
Social scientific approaches
We can describe three distinct
though overlapping ways of being secular: not believing, not practicing, and
not identifying with a religion.
The study of secularity thus
raises a double problem: first to try to measure religious (non)adherence,
and, secondly, to decide what the results might mean. In our view,
identifying with a religion, believing in the supernatural, or attending
religious services should not necessarily disqualify someone from being
regarded as basically secular.
How many people are secular in Britain?
The dominant British attitude
towards religion is not one of rejection or hostility. Many of those in the
large middle group who are neither religious nor unreligious are willing to
identify with a religion, are open to the existence of God or a higher
power, may use the church for rites of passage, and might pray at least
occasionally. What seems apparent, though, is that religion plays a very
minor role (if any) in their lives.
By contrast, the “Sheilaists” are
more conscious of spiritual seeking. “Sheilaism” was the self-applied label
used by a respondent (“Sheila Larson”, a young nurse) in Habits of the
Heart (Bellah et al. 1985):
“I believe in God,” Sheila says.
“I am not a religious fanatic. I can’t remember the last time I went to
church. My faith has carried me a long way. It’s Sheilaism. Just my own
where one should draw the line distinguishing the secular from the rest is
unclear. Many nominal adherents are failed agnostics: they used to have
doubts, and now they just don’t care. Arguably, most are secular for all
practical purposes. If they are included, then at least half the British
population could reasonably be regarded as secular.
How are secular people different from others?
There is enormous variation by
age in religious identification. Among people aged 65 and over surveyed for
the British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey in 2004, only 22 percent say that
they regard themselves as belonging to no religion, while 63 percent of
young adults (18-24) so describe themselves. These differences might be
influenced by life stage (if older people are more religious than young
ones), but the evidence suggests that in the main they are generational
(produced by a steady decline in religiosity over time; see Voas & Crockett
2005, Crockett & Voas, forthcoming).
Exactly half of white men say
that they have no religion (in the BSA 2004), versus 41 percent of white
women. To put it another way, men make up 58 percent of the secular
category as defined above using European Social Survey data, but only 36
percent of the religious groups.
Only 17 percent of religious
people are not married, widowed, separated, or divorced; by contrast, nearly
40 percent of the secular are never-married. Most, but not all of this
effect is explained by age; among those born before 1970, 17 percent of the
secular and only 8 percent of the religious are never-married. Likewise,
only 15 percent of the religious in that age range say that they have ever
lived with a partner without being married, while 38 percent of the secular
have done so.
Both the religious and the
secular are better educated, on average, than those who are neither. (About
30 percent have been in higher education, as against less
than 20 percent for the others.) High
levels of education often produce scepticism about religion and the
self-confidence to be overtly agnostic or atheistic, but higher education is
also associated with middle class values, civic participation, suburban
living, and other characteristics conducive to churchgoing.
Social and political attitudes
secular are somewhat more likely to appear on the left of a left-right scale
(30 percent left vs. 26 percent right), with the opposite true of religious
people (25 percent left vs. 31 percent right). The secular are somewhat
more likely to say that they never discuss politics; however the statistic
is 25 percent vs. 18 percent among the religious.
Again, though, only 26 percent of
the secular (vs. 37 percent of the religious) say that they have ‘quite a
lot’ or ‘a great deal’ of interest in politics. These results hold up even
when controlling for age.
Are secular and religious people
in Great Britain different? Yes and no. The age contrasts are significant,
with younger, more secular generations gradually replacing those that are
older and more religious. At the same time, people who are consciously and
consistently religious or unreligious tend to be better educated and in
higher occupational categories than those in the muddled middle.
Sociologists of religion have tended to concentrate on the core religious
constituency, and this conference is a welcome opportunity to examine the
opposite pole. Ultimately, the challenge, though, lies in understanding the
group in between. When it comes to religion, the British have been ‘puzzled
people’ for decades (Mass Observation 1947). Their secularity, like their
religiosity, is casual and unconcerned. Britain may illustrate how the
secular triumphs: by default.